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For 15 years Benjamin L. Hooks presided over
America’s largest and most influential organization for blacks, the
National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP).
Founded around the turn of the twentieth century, the NAACP was
suffering from declining membership and prestige when Hooks assumed
his role as executive director. Under his leadership, the
organization has rebounded, adding several hundred thousand new
members to its ranks. Hooks, himself an ordained Baptist minister
and a practicing attorney, told the New York Daily News that
he hopes to keep the NAACP vital by addressing many national issues
from a minority perspective. “I think you will find us dealing with
issues that are not always perceived as concerns of the NAACP,” he
said. “We will take stands…on the environment, ecology, and
energy…the problems of the cities, national health insurance,
welfare, and the criminal justice system.”
Hooks kept his promise. Since 1977, when he
became executive director, the NAACP has issued formal opinions on
topics as diverse as the lack of black executives in Hollywood, the
role of the black middle class in the improvement of life in the
ghettos, and the 1991 nomination and confirmation of Judge Clarence
Thomas to the U.S. Supreme Court. Arizona Republic
correspondent Ben Cole wrote: “Often in the past, Benjamin Hook’s
words have been heeded by his fellow Americans and have been turned
into national policies that have benefited the whole society.” For
his own part, Hooks sees much work yet to be done. “It is a sad
commentary on our times that blatant appeals to race still can
divide us when so many urgent problems beset our nation,” he said in
the Houston Post.
Benjamin Hooks is no stranger to racism and
civil rights violations. He was born in Memphis Tennessee in 1925,
the fifth of seven children of Robert B. and Bessie Hooks.
Although his family was comfortable by
so-called black standards—his father owned a photography
studio—Hooks can recall wearing hand-me-down cloths and watching his
mother stretch the groceries so everyone had enough to eat. Hooks’
parents were both hard-working people, and his grandmother was the
second black woman in the United States to graduate from
college—Berea College in Kentucky. Therefore, he was encouraged to
do well in his studies and to prepare for higher education. By 1949
Hooks had earned a local reputation as one of the few black lawyers
in Memphis. At the Shelby County fair, he met a pretty 24-year-old
teacher named Frances Dancy. They began to date, and after a few
months they became inseparable. They were married in Memphis in
1952. Mrs. Hooks recalled in Ebony magazine that her husband
was “good looking, very quiet, very intelligent.” She added: “He
loved to go around to churches and that type of thing, so I started
going with him. He was really a good catch.”
Served Dual Role of Minister and Judge
Indeed, Hooks still felt a calling to the
ministry, especially after he joined renowned civil rights activist
and reverend Martin Luther King, Jr.’s Southern Christian Leadership
Conference. Hooks was ordained a Baptist minister and began to
preach regularly at the Middle Baptist Church in Memphis in 1956.
He also became a pioneer in the NAACP—sponsored restaurant sit-ins
and other boycotts of consumer items and services. He entered state
politics, making unsuccessful bids for the state legislature in 1954
and for juvenile court judge in 1959 and 1963. Despite his losses,
the personable young Hooks attracted not only black voters but
liberal whites as well. By 1965 he was well enough known that
Tennessee governor Frank G. Clement appointed him to fill a vacancy
in the Shelby County criminal court. He thus became the first black
criminal court judge in Tennessee history. The following year he
won election to a full term in the office.
By the late 1960s Hooks was spread thin as a
judge, a businessman, a lawyer, and a minister. Twice a month he
flew to Detroit and preached at the Greater New Mount Moriah Baptist
Church. He also made himself available to the NAACP as needed for
civil rights protests and marches. Fortunately for Hooks, he had
married a woman who matched him in energy and stamina. Frances
Hooks became her husband’s assistant, secretary, advisor, and
traveling companion, even though it meant sacrificing her own
distinguished career as a teacher and guidance counselor. “He said
he needed me to help him,” Mrs. Hooks told Ebony. “Few
husbands tell their wives that they need them after 30 years of
marriage, so I gave it up and here I am. Right by his side.”
Side by side, Benjamin and Frances Hooks moved
to Washington, D.C., in 1972, when Hooks became the first black
appointee to the Federal Communications Commission (FCC). Hooks had
been a producer and host of several local television shows in
Memphis—in addition to his other duties—but it was his support of
the Republican ticket that endeared him to Richard Nixon. As a
member of the FCC, Hooks addressed the lack of minority ownership of
television and radio stations, the minority employment statistics
for the broadcasting industry, and the image of blacks in the mass
media. While Hooks was with the FCC, minority employment in
broadcasting rose from three percent to fifteen percent. Hooks has
continued to fight for black involvement in the entertainment
industry, even though he left the FCC in 1978.
Named Executive Director of the NAACP
On November 6, 1976, the 64-member board of
directors of the NAACP elected Hooks executive director of the
renowned civil rights organization. Founded in 1909 after a series
of brutal lynchings in the South, the NAACP has earned a significant
reputation as a history-making civil rights group. During its
heyday in the 1950s and 1960s it had numbered almost half a million
members, but in the late 1970s the membership had declined to near
200,000. Hooks was determined to add to the enrollment and to raise
money for the organization’s severely depleted treasury, without
changing the NAACP’s goals or mandates. “Black Americans are not
defeated,” he told Ebony soon after his formal induction in
1977. “The civil rights movement is not dead. If anyone thinks
that we are going to stop agitating, they had better think again.
If anyone thinks that we are going to stop litigating, they had
better close the courts. If anyone thinks that we are not going to
demonstrate and protest…they had better roll up the sidewalks.”
In Hooks’ early years, he weathered some bitter
storms with Margaret Bush Wilson, chair of the NAACP’s board of
directors. At one point in 1983, Wilson summarily suspended Hooks
after the two quarreled about organization policy. Wilson accused
Hooks of mismanagement, but the charges were never proven. In fact,
a majority of the 64-member board backed Hooks, and he never
officially left his post. He has been secure as the executive
director ever since and has overseen the organization’s positions on
affirmative action, federal aid to cities, foreign relations with
repressive governments such as that in South Africa, and domestic
policy decisions of every sort. Hooks likes to call himself “just a
poor little ol’ country preacher,” but his modesty hardly hides his
long list of sophisticated accomplishments.
Early in 1990 Hooks and his family were among
the targets in a wave of bombings against civil rights leaders.
Not for the first time, Hooks visited the White House and President
George H.W. Bush to discuss the escalating tension between races.
Viewed Black Pride as the Key to Equality
Hooks has been a staunch advocate of self-help
among the black community, urging wealthy and middle-class blacks to
give time and resources to those less fortunate. “It’s time
today…to bring it out of the closet: No longer can we proffer
polite, explicable, reasons why Black America cannot do more for
itself,” he told the 1990 NAACP convention delegates, as quoted in
the Chicago Tribune. “I’m calling for a moratorium on
excuses. I challenge black America today-all of us- to set aside
our alibis.”
By 1991 some younger members of the NAACP
charged that Hooks had lost touch with the pulse of black America
and ought to resign. Akron Beacon Journal staff writer
Carole Cannon noted of the NAACP: “Critics say the organization is a
dinosaur whose national leadership is still living in the glory days
of the civil rights movement.” Cannon went on to quote Dr.
Frederick Zak, a young local NAACP president, who said: “There is a
tendency by some of the older people to romanticize the struggle –
especially the marching and the picketing and the boycotting and the
going to jail.”
For his part, Hooks feels that the perilous
times of the civil rights movement should never be taken for
granted, especially by those who were born in the aftermath of the
movement’s gains. “A young black man can’t understand what it means
to have something he’s never been denied,” Hooks told U.S. News
and World Report. “I can’t make them understand the mental
relief I feel at the rights we have. It almost infuriates me that
people don’t understand what integration has done for this country.”
From the NAACP offices in Baltimore, Maryland,
Hooks and his wife handled the group’s business and helped to plan
for its future for more than 15 years. Himself a great-grandfather,
Hooks portrays his country preacher’s values when he suggests that
family unity is essential if black people are to partake of the
American dream. Hooks told the Arizona Republic that he
hopes the escalating black-on-black violence is just a “phase,” a
reaction to an overall violent society. He said that the solution
to the current crisis in black America may lie in “a return to the
kind of family values – the conventional nuclear family structure of
gainfully employed parents – expressed in … Southern Baptist
morality.”
Although Hooks told the New York Times
that a “sense of duty and responsibility” to the NAACP compelled him
to stay in office through the 1990s, the demands of the executive
director position proved too great for him. In February of 1992, at
the age of 67, he announced his resignation for the post, calling it
“a killing job,” according to the Detroit Free Press. Hooks
stated that he would serve out the 1992 year and predicted that a
change in leadership would not jeopardize the NAACP’s stability:
“We’ve been through some little stormy periods before,” he told the
Free Press. “I think we’ll overcome it.” |